Basic Values
Basic Programme of European Democrat Students
adopted at the 2003 Annual Meeting, Zadar - Croatia
Content:
1. The Value of Values
1. We believe that political action must be based on firm values. A civilised society consists of a certain set of inviolable rights for its citizens and definite boundaries for the actions of the state and the use of power. As Europeans we find ourselves deeply rooted in the three cultural traditions on which the European Civilisation has been founded: the Hellenic philosophical heritage - along with its intellectual openness; the Roman Law - along with its sense of the rule of law; Christianity and Christian values.
2. Politics need good values in order to provide a moral guideline for political action. The purpose of this programme is to explore those values and their implications on certain policy areas.
1.1. The Human Being [back to top]
3. We believe that all individuals are equal before the law, irrespective of differences in gender, colour, race, nationality, religion, political conviction, sexual orientation social standing and regardless of disabilities. Thus we reject all kinds of collective or personal privileges before law.
4. Accordingly, we believe in all individuals‘ right to form and decide about their own lives, with respect to others. As a consequence, responsibility and toleration are fundamental for a civilised society.
5. Therefore, we attach supreme importance to personal freedoms and civil liberties. We believe in freedom of speech, freedom of information, freedom of association and freedom of worship. We believe in the protection of an individual‘s private life. We urge the free movement of people and goods and the exchange of opinions across frontiers. We also recognise private ownership and the rule of law to be basic institutions in a civilised society.
6. We support the European Convention on Human Rights and its inclusion in the European Constitutional Treaty. We believe that the rights and freedoms defined therein should be guaranteed by law in every state and protected by both national courts and the international community. We uphold the right of every citizen individually to seek redress for denials of these rights in the European Court for Human Rights and before the European Court of Justice.
1.2. Society [back to top]
7. Free individuals interact and co-operate within the framework of a free and open society with a respect for the principles of justice and responsibility. The society is an extension of the social nature of the Human beings.
8. The free Human society is as multifaceted and diverse as the human beings themselves. As such, we endorse the fact that society constitutes the framework for Mankind‘s search and realisation of social relations, wealth, security and self-fulfilment.
9. The process of a free society, in which all members interact and co-operate and at the same time pursue their own personal goals, is of a dynamic and complex nature. The social order which results is of Human origin but not of Human design and planning.
1.3. Family [back to top]
10. We recognise the family as a fundamental nucleus of society. The family has the primary responsibility for the important task of bringing up coming generations.
We therefore reject policies which deprive the family of its possibilities to perform this task, e.g. tax policies which create disincentives for families. We also reject attempts to replace the family in its fostering role, e.g. government control of upbringing and education.
1.4. The State [back to top]
11. The state is the ultimate upholder and protector of individual freedoms and civil liberties. Its primary tasks are to protect the life and property of its citizens and uphold the rule of law. The state, as the solitary user of legitimate force, is thus necessary for a civilised society.
12. We believe in democracy as an open and constantly developing political system, in which the interests of the individual and those of society at large are reconciled on the basis of the principles of freedom and equality. We believe in an open society, characterised by a constant competition and interaction between ideas and parties, by plurality of interests and the diffusion of power. Only this way can we ensure a future of freedom.
13. A democratic society must be based on the principles of pluralism. Among the essential features of such a system are a diversity of political parties open to all opinions, effective control of the executive actions of government by freely elected parliamentary assemblies, guarantees for free trade unions and for other social, political, cultural and religious organisations as well as the right not to join such organisations, a free press and an independent judiciary. The more pluralistic and open the society becomes, the stronger is the demand for the society to stand up against totalitarian opinions and to combat those beliefs within the frames of the open society. Totalitarian methods and violence must never be accepted as political means, and must be contained by the police and the legal institutions.
14. The democratic order needs to be regulated to provide liberty. This means that the civil liberties cannot be allowed to be abolished by democratic means. Constitutional regulations with protection of minority rights and rules for the decision making process is a basic prerequisite for a democratic society.
1.5. The Environment [back to top]
15. Man is a part of nature but also a species with a special role and responsibility. Man has throughout history transformed nature according to his changing needs and will most likely continue to do so. Since the consequences of environmental pollution do not stop at borders, international co-operation in this field is essential.
16. Nature as a major part of the world heritage has a special value independent from its market value. The conservation of natural landscapes, fauna and flora for future generations is an important task. The centre-right ideology is dealing with the environment issues without hypocrisy. The environment is an area where the centre-right offers long-term solutions.
17. We believe that the best guarantee for a responsible and sustainable use of nature and natural resources is use of instruments of free market economy, invention of improved, clean technologies and scientific development. Well defined legal property rights creates natural incentives to preserve and make use of natural resources in a responsible and efficient way. The opposite, undefined or collective ownership imposed by states, has proven to lead to wasted resources and damaged nature. Collective action shall however be called for when ownership or responsibility is diffused and impossible or unreasonably expensive to determine.
2. Policy [back to top]
2.1. Freedom and Responsibility [back to top]
2.1.1.Individual Freedom [back to top]
18. We believe freedom is a fundamental right of all Men. As every individual is unique and all individuals are equal, it is only in a free and open society, where Men are free to form their own life, that the Human dignity and value can be fully preserved and appreciated.
19. We recognise that with freedom comes responsibility for one‘s actions and respect for others. Responsibility in society is inseparable from freedom.
20. As a general principle, an individual‘s freedom ends where it comes into conflict with another individual‘s freedom. Most such conflicts can be resolved by voluntary agreements between individuals in society. Conflicts of interest between an individual and society at large must be resolved with a great respect for the integrity of the individual.
21. Responsibility rests primarily with the individual. It can be executed individually or in voluntary co-operation with others. State intervention is only called for when society itself fails to fulfil the basic aims.
2.1.2. Freedom in Society [back to top]
22. A free and open society is a prerequisite for creating room for all individuals to fulfil their own plans. In general, we believe that the European societies have gone too far down the road of regulation in order to provide safety for its citizens. Albeit we recognise the need for safety, it is our conviction that today‘s excessively regulated societies result in stagnant and insecure societies.
23. We believe that in a free and open society, where many alternative ways to deal with different aspects of society are free to compete with each other, is the best way to improve society. A searching process, where knowledge dispersed among as many individuals as possible is utilised, will undoubtedly produce better results than all attempts of elitist central planning. Therefore, we also recognise the need for multiple centres of power. A stimulating institutional competition can only take place as long as no centre of power grows too strong on the others expense.
24. A society with a minimum of involuntary collective action demands that its citizens act as responsible members of society. Such a responsibility includes caring for oneself and family and relatives, but also solidarity with other members of society. We believe that people are prepared to take on a voluntary responsibility of solidarity and Humanity if they have the opportunity. Today, however, state programs, funded by excessive taxation suffocate such initiatives.
2.2. The State [back to top]
2.2.1. Primary Responsibilities [back to top]
25. The state‘s primary responsibility is to protect its citizens and their property against threats of both an interior and exterior origin. The state perform those tasks by a monopoly on the use of force, wielded by the police and military, and by upholding and defending legitimate civil liberties.
26. When the open society is threatened, it has a right to self-defence. This right must however be exercised under the constitutional restraints regulating the relationship between state and individual. The values that constitute the open society must not be destroyed in the process defending them.
2.2.2.Good Governance [back to top]
27. We believe that the state should provide a framework for society in which the citizens feel safe and are free to seek self-fulfilment. In order to do this, we recognise the following aspects of the state‘s tasks as especially important.
28. Ensuring individual rights and civil liberties. Each Man has the right to seek happiness, truth, meaning of life and religious belief alone or in co-operation with others.
29. Upholding property rights. We believe that an efficient and responsible use of scarce resources can be best reached by upheld property rights.
30. Ensure equal opportunity by dismantling all kinds of privileges based on class or interest groups. We also believe that all citizens must have a reasonable opportunity to improve their situation by means of work, education and entrepreneurship.
31. A social policy put in place where society fails and designed to help individuals and families to escape from repeated cycles of social and economic deprivation. Such help must be concentrated in areas of greatest need, and incentives should be implemented to encourage people not to be dependent on the state.
32. It is obvious that the policies of the European states have failed in a number of areas. We believe that is due to the fact that they have diverged too much from their primary responsibility and expanded into other areas. When the state tries to perform too many tasks, instead of concentrating on the most crucial, it ends up failing to perform any of them satisfactory.
33. We see two areas of great concern where it is strikingly clear how the policies of today have failed: the labour market and social safety nets.
34. Today‘s labour market leaves millions of people, many of them younger people who have never had an opportunity to get a foothold in the labour market, out of job. We believe that the major reason for the unemployment problem is poor political decisions. Taxes on labour, enterprises, capital and individuals are too high and people are being taxed out of the labour market. Too many privileges have been given to labour unions and other special interest groups and too much emphasis has been put on collective bargaining in the legislation. Europe needs to re-establish a labour market which is a real market and not yet another arena for political interventionism. Such a re-establishment means that the right to freely enter contracts and agreements has to be strengthened.
35. The social safety nets, although they consume increasing amounts of money and therefore require an increasing tax burden on Europe‘s citizens, fail to provide social safety. Many pension systems, for example, are time bombs in the public finances. We believe that the root of those problems is the design of the systems. They pay too little attention to individual differences and preferences and are adapted for an industrial era, which is already history. We therefore call for a new approach to social security, liberating the citizens of the overwhelming tax-burden of today, giving them the primary responsibility for their own safety and let the state be a lender of the last resort when society fails.
2.3. The Future of Europe [back to top]
2.3.1. A European Success Story [back to top]
36. European integration, ever since the founding of the European Coal and Steel Community and the signing of the Treaty of Rome, has been a strong force for democracy and prosperity in Europe. The strengthening of the European democracies through European co-operation was a strong force against communism.
37. The reduction of trade barriers between the European economies has helped to prevent trade wars, protectionism and political crises. The expansion of the EU/EC and the free trade support has led to the growth in European economies.
38. The ongoing successful process of enlargement is not to stop with the 10 members decided at the Copenhagen summit. Still the important task to encompass all European countries who wish to become members and who fulfil the Copenhagen criteria remains.
39. We support the concept of a Special Partnership with countries, which out of cultural and geographical reasons are in Europe‘s neighbourhood.
40. The right to initiate membership negotiations as soon as a sufficient amount of reforms have been carried out must not be compromised upon. It is important that institutional reforms carried out in the EU carefully balance the need for efficiency with respect and protection for minority opinions, and the adequate representation or countries with vastly different sizes of population.
41. Implementation of certain initiatives or entire policy areas in stages (or „speeds“) has successfully reflected the wide differentiation present within the EU. We advocate multi-stage implementation of policies in suitable areas, following formalized processes that result from intergovernmental agreements. Multi-speed development thus becomes a tool for improvement (of conditions), not for exclusion (of countries).
42. The limits of power for all European-level legislative and executive bodies have to be clearly laid down in a constitutional document, formulated and agreed by the member states. A well defined competence catalogue, which only can be extended by unanimous decision by the member states, is a basic prerequisite for a limitation of political power on the European level.
43. The Council of Ministers is and should remain the primary decision making body in the European Union. By keeping it that way, the characteristic of the EU is a union of states whose legitimacy derives from the power delegated to the council by the national parliaments. Introducing an elected president of the European Council jeopardises this characteristic.
44. The voting procedures in the council has to ensure an efficient co-operation that is not blocked by narrow-minded national interests. At the same time, vital national interests must be respected.
45. The Commission shall remain the Executive of the EU and keep its monopoly of initiative. We believe that we can reach this aim by organising the Commission in such a way where every Member State is represented and yet efficient and effective decision-making is guaranteed.*(3)
46. We believe that the European Parliament plays an important role in supervising other EU institutions. We welcome the development where the European Parliament takes part in co-decision to a higher degree, as long as the competencies of the EU are well defined and only can be extended by unanimous decision by the member states. The decision-making process must at the same time be streamlined in the direction of increased efficiency. It is also important that national parliaments can obtain a good insight in EU‘s decision making process.
2.3.2. Subsidiarity [back to top]
47. The integration of the European nation states has been carried forward primarily by spontaneous economic integration and cultural exchange. Political decisions have however encouraged and supported this integration by removing barriers such as tariffs and discriminating legislation. The European Union, and especially the Single Market has been the primary tool.
48. Political co-operation has also spread beyond the tasks necessary to ensure a Single European Market where the citizens of Europe can move freely. The Common Agriculture Policy and the Regional Funds are examples where the union has pursued other goals.
49. We believe that it is important for the union to allow for institutional competition between member states as long as it does not constitute a serious threat to the Single Market.
50. Institutional competition is valuable for several reasons. Competition ensures that bad or inefficient ideas are sorted out and those ideas and solutions which are more fruitful are used until something even better turns up. It is of critical importance to realise that beforehand, nobody knows which solution is the most suitable for the specific problem. Institutional competition also ensures that there are alternative systems and that the national policies thereby are subject to competition.
51. Different institutional arrangements from different countries compete with each other. Countries with a good set of laws and regulations will be able to use this as a competitive advantage and countries with less successful legal framework will eventually be able to learn from their more successful neighbour and adapt themselves. A too far-reaching harmonisation of the countries in the European Union would eliminate the competition between different systems and instead place the power to decide which system everyone should use in the hands of a political body.
52. We believe that the guarantee for a sound balance between institutional competition and binding legislation is based on the principles of mutual recognition and subsidiarity. This will promote a Single Market which is free but not burdened by excessive legislation.
53. We believe in the widespread use of the principle of mutual recognition,
rather than in harmonisation and setting common standards. Thus the need for a large bureaucracy decreases, the workload on the Commission decreases and benefits from rent seeking on Union level decrease. At the same time we recognise that, in order to make things easier for both producers and consumers, to foster economic progress and to enlarge the customers‘ freedom of choice and safety, it can be useful to set common standards and downsize the number of different regulations within the European Union.
54. Common standards can be an important tool to reach increased competition by widening the area of free competition. Products and services provided in one member state must not be unusable and therefore unconsumable in any other member state because of different technical standards and excessive national regulations. Institutional competition must not hinder economic competition.
55. The principle of subsidiarity, which is the most important tool to avoid an excess of power centralisation on Union level, should be revered in the further development of EU‘s responsibilities and documents. The European Court of Justice should be inspired by constitutional courts of European countries which have made substantial contributions to a clear perception of competence distribution between the various levels of political decision-making.
2.3.3. Common Foreign and Security Policy [back to top]
56. We believe that the CFSP must be strengthened. It is not acceptable that the European Union is incapable of taking joint constructive action with regard to foreign policy challenges near its borders. It is also increasingly obvious that the security of Europe may be threatened not only from the direct proximity of its borders. It is important that the member countries take the needed decisions on the national level in order to fulfil their obligations to the CFSP.
57. In par with political integration, the European Union should homogenise its defence strategies towards the development of an efficient security policy, applicable to all member states. A strong European defence mechanism respecting the neutrality of certain EU member states would back EU efforts in the diplomatic field and would additionally act as an international stabilising factor.
2.3.4. Defence Policy
58. For the foreseeable future, NATO will be the primary source of military security in Europe. We strongly support the integration of the countries in Central and Eastern Europe into NATO. We also recognise the crucial and special link between Europe and the United States in the field of security, epitomised by NATO.
59. The need for world-wide humanitarian peace-creating and peacekeeping operations, in accordance with international law, justifies the establishment of a sizeable EU military force. In order to achieve this, a considerable increase in military spending is necessary.
2.4. The Global Perspective [back to top]
2.4.1. Globalisation [back to top]
60. The world is improving. Through democratisation, liberalisation and the creation of stable institutions for the rule of law, it has become easier to improve not only material standards, but also the liberty and quality of life for billions of people. When goods, people and money cross borders, they create a network of people surrounding the globe. This is what we call globalisation.
61. The flow of information in the globalised society has made it easier to discover problems and injustices all over the world. Some people take this as evidence that globalisation caused these problems, and thus they attack most aspects of it. In fact, globalisation, with its growing democratisation, liberalisation and stable institutions, is the only solution to the problems and our only mean to create a better world.
2.4.2. Global Free Trade [back to top]
62. We strongly emphasise that the European Union cannot isolate itself from the globalisation. The European answer to increased competition must not be subsidies, quotas, tariffs and anti-dumping procedures but open borders and increased competitiveness. We call for the European Union to be more active in the promotion for global free trade as is carried out within the framework of WTO.
2.4.4. Global Principles for Prosperity [back to top]
63. We believe that market economy, freedom, civil rights, rule of law and democracy are the foundation of development, economic growth and a life in dignity for people in the developing countries as well as in the industrial countries. Thus, the developing countries are best helped by assistance towards establishing those structures and institutions. The industrialised countries have a responsibility in sharing their experiences and helping the developing countries with that task. Furthermore, we emphasise the importance of free trade for the prosperity of both rich and poor countries.
